Local sources indicate that the incident occurred in the Wadi Al-Uraid area of Al-Jabeen district. The girl's father is alleged to have thrown her into the well located within his property amid years of marital discord.

According to reports, the girl's mother had previously left the marital home due to family disputes and obtained a court order for divorce. However, the enforcement of this ruling was reportedly delayed, prolonging the conflict.

The girl had recently expressed a desire to visit her mother, a request her father allegedly refused. This refusal is said to have escalated existing tensions, culminating in the tragic event that led to her death.

Conversely, the father has denied responsibility, claiming that villagers threw the girl into the well. This assertion is met with skepticism by local residents, particularly as the well is situated within his private farm, enclosed by a wall and a locked gate.

The girl's body has been placed in a hospital morgue. As of now, no official statement has been released detailing the circumstances surrounding the incident.

Local sources reported that the Houthi gunman, identified as Mohammed Abdullah Qaid Al-Adhari, fatally shot his older brother, Abdulrazzaq, on Monday. The altercation occurred over a land disagreement in the village of Beit Al-Adhari, within the Sha'ab district of Arhab.

The sources added that the crime takes place amid a rise in family disputes and homicides within Houthi-controlled territories. This escalation is attributed to a growing culture of violence, the absence of effective law enforcement, and the societal impacts of the Houthi militia's ongoing mobilization and ideological training programs for its members.

According to human rights statistics, hundreds of relatives are killed or injured annually in domestic violence incidents in areas under Houthi control. A significant portion of these crimes are reportedly carried out by Houthi elements, leaders, or individuals influenced by the group's pervasive propaganda and mobilization rhetoric.

Tribal gunmen reportedly opened fire on Sheikh Mohammed Hussein Al Masoudi directly in front of the Radaa courthouse, resulting in his immediate death. A tribal source described the attack as premeditated and instigated by the Houthi militia.

The source suggested that the assassination may be linked to an old tribal feud, which the militia allegedly exploited to eliminate Al Masoudi. This act has sparked widespread anger and discontent among tribal communities.

Sheikh Al Masoudi was a significant tribal and social figure in Qayfa, actively involved in resolving local disputes. He also held a key political position within the General People's Congress, establishing him as an influential personality in his tribal sphere.

This incident occurs amidst escalating tensions in the governorate. The victim's family has reportedly faced a series of Houthi violations in recent times, including the killing of one of his sons and the abduction of another, following the militia's raid on the village of Al Masoud in Qayfa.

The source further indicated that Sheikh Al Masoudi's home had previously been subjected to systematic attacks by the militia. These attacks included drone strikes, extensive looting of property, money, and gold jewelry, as well as the destruction of the family's farms and artesian well pumps.

Local sources reported that the militia dispatched village elders in Zarajah to inform the parents of the youths to surrender them. A deadline was set for the end of the week for their handover to the security administration, with parents being held responsible for any failure to comply and threatened with arrest as substitutes for their sons.

The sources further indicated that the youths fled the town upon learning of the militia's pursuit and accusations that they were behind the defacement of slogans on government facilities under Houthi control.

In recent months, Houthi slogans have been defaced in several villages within the Al-Hada district, coinciding with growing popular rejection of the group. This sentiment is attributed to the militia's ongoing campaigns of repression and abduction against the district's residents, as well as tribal disputes that locals accuse the militia of instigating.

In a related incident, a tribal source stated that Houthi security vehicles raided the home of citizen Nasser Ahmed Mohammed Abu Atef, looting his personal belongings. Abu Atef has appealed to the Houthi leadership for justice and accountability for those responsible for the raid.

Military sources reported that the drone targeted a position belonging to the Second Brigade of Shabwah Defense in the Upper Markha front. The attack resulted in the injury of soldier Abdullah Al-Jaafi.

Al-Jaafi was subsequently transported to a medical facility for treatment, and his health condition is reported to be stable.

This incident occurs amidst an escalation in drone attacks launched by the Houthi militia against military sites across multiple fronts, reflecting ongoing tensions in the areas of contact.

Local sources reported on Sunday that the victim, identified as Bakil Murshid Al-Ashwal, died instantly from injuries sustained when an explosive device, concealed within a delivery package he was transporting unknowingly, detonated upon his arrival at the gate of a police station in the Al-Jaraf district. The explosion resulted in his immediate death and wounded one of the station's personnel.

Sources close to the Al-Ashwal family indicated that the deceased had been forced to take up employment in Sana'a to support his family after the militia suspended his father's salary.

Tragically, the victim’s mother had arrived in Sana'a the previous day from her hometown in Al-Saddah district, Ibb Governorate, to visit him, as he was unable to join his family for the Eid holiday. She received news of his death before she had the opportunity to see him.

The Houthi authorities have maintained strict silence regarding the incident, issuing no official statement. This has fueled speculation that the explosion may be part of an ongoing series of internal liquidations and hidden factional conflicts within the militia's ranks.

The sources, speaking separately on condition of anonymity due to security concerns, stated that Abdulkarim al-Houthi—who claims the title of Interior Minister in the unrecognized militia government and is a prominent first-tier leader and uncle to the group's leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi—has not appeared publicly since August 2025. His disappearance followed injuries sustained during raids that struck a secret meeting of Houthi commanders in Sana'a.

The sources informed the "Khobar" agency that the militia is enforcing extreme secrecy regarding his health status. This coincides with intelligence directives reportedly issued by the militia's leadership prohibiting the leak of any details concerning his condition, amid fears of potential repercussions for internal cohesion.

According to the sources, this strict confidentiality is linked to the sensitivity of the official’s position within the Houthi power structure. This situation arises amid reports suggesting intense rivalry between various factions within the militia, particularly between leaders hailing from their main stronghold in Saada and others seeking to consolidate influence within the governing institutions they control.

Al-Houthi's last public appearance was on August 17, 2025, during a security meeting, approximately eleven days before the Sana'a strikes. The sources noted that those strikes also reportedly injured several other commanders, including Major General Mohammed Abdulkarim al-Ghamari, Chief of Staff for the group's forces, whose death from his injuries was announced on October 16, 2025.

Military sources indicated that the absence or reduced role of key figures significantly alters the balance of power within the militia, especially given a complex internal environment where security, familial, and political considerations intersect.

Meanwhile, some sources suggest the prominent Houthi official has recently succumbed to his injuries, but the militia is refusing to make an official announcement, as is their custom, fearing internal divisions due to existing vulnerabilities following severe strikes by American and Israeli forces last year.

Local sources confirmed that Al-Qadi died hours after medical teams attempted life-saving measures, following the assault where an unknown gunman shot him five times before fleeing the scene. The incident occurred at his workplace, previously located in Sinan Roundabout, now known as the Martyr Ibtihal Al-Mashhari Roundabout, an area under the control of security and military apparatus loyal to the Islah Party.

The attack reportedly took place inside a commercial grocery store, with the assailant managing to evade capture due to what sources described as a noticeable absence of security forces intervention.

Activists have placed full responsibility upon the security and military agencies in Taiz for their perceived negligence in apprehending the perpetrator and bringing them to justice.

This fatal incident underscores a severe wave of security breakdown plaguing Taiz, continuing a pattern of violent assaults targeting civilians and journalists within the governorate.

According to media sources for the National Resistance, their forces operating on the West Coast managed to neutralize Houthi firing positions early Friday morning, inflicting material and personnel losses upon the militia.

The Houthi militia initiated attacks on military positions in both the Al-Hudaydah and Al-Burah sectors during the initial hours of Friday, employing mortar shells and unmanned aerial vehicles. These assaults resulted in the death of one soldier and injuries to nine others.

Units of the National Resistance stationed on the contact lines responded firmly to the Houthi aggression, effectively suppressing the sources of fire through concentrated strikes that achieved direct hits against the militia ranks.

Furthermore, National Resistance artillery successfully struck a forward command and control center belonging to the militia south of Al-Hudaydah, resulting in confirmed direct hits.

According to the sources, these sweeping changes involve the replacement of guards at official and undisclosed headquarters, including secret detention facilities. Furthermore, personal protection details for several key leaders have been altered, alongside a reorganization of security elements tasked with securing weapon depots. The measures have also extended to commanders and personnel manning security checkpoints responsible for inspecting travelers, resulting in an exceptional state of alert and heightened security.

These maneuvers, sources assert, cannot be decoupled from rapid regional developments, principally the systematic targeting of Iranian proxies across the region. This campaign, accompanied by direct and indirect military and security signaling, has reportedly instilled profound apprehension within the Houthi leadership regarding the possibility of their inclusion on the roster of imminent targets.

The security adjustments have been paralleled by a climate of alarm among the militia ranks. Several high-ranking first and second-tier commanders have reportedly vanished from the occupied capital, Sana'a, without official notification. This has fueled speculation that these leaders have relocated to alternative or more fortified positions to mitigate the risk of potential strikes.

Informed sources suggest that the militia leadership views the prospect of direct targeting by the United States or Israel with extreme concern, particularly given the current regional escalation and the perceived erosion of Iran’s capacity to provide its regional agents with the comprehensive protective umbrella it previously afforded.

Observers contend that the current actions reflect a crisis of internal confidence and a genuine fear of security breaches or specialized operations targeting senior figures. The militia is attempting to reassert its security grip in anticipation of worst-case scenarios amid a highly volatile regional environment and shifting geopolitical balances.

This attack, which targeted a civilian assembly during the Iftar meal, underscores the continuation of practices that violate international laws and norms pertaining to the protection of non-combatants in conflict zones.

Medical sources have indicated that preliminary assessments suggest the casualty toll may rise, attributing this potential escalation to the destructive nature of the explosion and the presence of human remains belonging to victims positioned near the Iftar table at the moment of the shelling.

Sources confirmed that children were among the casualties in this assault, which deliberately targeted a secure civilian congregation within the specified district.

The police statement confirmed that the majority of the disembarked individuals were Ethiopian men. Tragically, the perilous sea journey resulted in the confirmed deaths of nine migrants during the crossing.

According to official reports, the smuggling boat, identified as "Al-Qiyadi," ran aground at sea due to severe winds and high waves. This incident forced the migrants to attempt reaching the shore by swimming through harsh maritime conditions, which directly contributed to the fatalities.

The authorities affirmed that necessary legal procedures are being implemented to manage the ongoing influx of irregular migration originating from the Horn of Africa, aiming to mitigate the associated security and humanitarian consequences.

This latest incident underscores a recurring pattern, as Shabwah's coasts, particularly in the Radum District, have received close to 4,396 Ethiopian migrants over the past two months through repeated smuggling operations originating from the Horn of Africa directed toward Yemeni shores.

Sources familiar with the matter confirmed that directives were recently issued by the militia's security leadership requiring the complete replacement of all personal phone numbers utilized by security commanders and field supervisors, with strict instructions to cease all use of previous numbers.

These measures also reportedly include barring commanders and personnel from carrying personal mobile phones or bringing them into official meetings and organizational gatherings. This action is understood to be a direct effort to circumvent potential technical infiltration or tracking operations targeting their locations and movements.

Furthermore, the militia has reportedly distributed new, highly restricted communication numbers to supervisors across various fronts and controlled areas, emphasizing strict confidentiality regarding the circulation of these lines, which are only to be used within a narrow scope.

These preemptive steps arrive as aerial strikes by Western forces have recently targeted military and security officials linked to Tehran's proxies across the region, fueling internal fears within the Houthi ranks regarding the potential for electronic surveillance and targeting of their leadership.

Analysts suggest that these operational shifts underscore a palpable state of apprehension and disarray within the militia's security structure, particularly given increasing discourse about broadening the scope of targeting against Iranian-linked influence networks in the broader Middle East.

Observers note that these actions also reflect a growing awareness by the group's leadership regarding the significant security risks inherent in using conventional communication methods, especially considering the advanced technical monitoring and intelligence capabilities employed by Western nations to track Iran-aligned military figures.

Sources indicate that the militia leader issued orders for this broad mobilization effort, a move rights activists and observers deem a significant and dangerous escalation. This action is interpreted as an attempt to reinforce the militia's military capabilities in anticipation of any potential offensive by the internationally recognized government to reclaim territories currently held by the Houthis, particularly against the backdrop of escalating regional tensions linked to the conflict involving the United States and Israel against Iran.

The recruitment operations are being conducted secretly, circumventing media scrutiny. Mobilization efforts are reportedly managed through militia supervisors, agents, and local neighborhood leaders, utilizing organized gatherings and Ramadan evening sessions in various districts to coerce young individuals into joining the fighting fronts.

This mobilization occurs while the civilian population under Houthi control endures a severe deterioration in living conditions. Widespread issues include the suspension of salaries, soaring commodity prices, and critical shortages of medicine and essential services, fueling significant popular discontent due to the worsening economic and social emergency.

Human rights activists have issued warnings that the militia's escalation in recruiting children and young adults risks turning them into combat assets should the regional conflict expand. They emphasized that the continuation of these policies exacerbates the humanitarian situation and poses a direct threat to civilian populations.

These rights advocates further suggested that the aggressive recruitment and mobilization policies reflect the Houthi militia's perception of vulnerability regarding potential setbacks on the battlefronts. They noted that the group faces increasing domestic popular rejection within its controlled zones and stressed the imperative for international bodies to intervene to halt the exploitation of children and youth in the ongoing conflict.

The report follows earlier statements made by U.S. President Donald Trump on Saturday evening confirming the death of Khamenei.

President Trump asserted that the operation was executed following meticulous intelligence tracking and was conducted in "close coordination with Israel."

Trump further indicated that Khamenei and other senior officials "could not escape accountability" for their actions.

The campaign, reportedly orchestrated by Abu Fatima—who serves as the security file manager for the so-called Community Police led by Ali Hussein al-Houthi—has encompassed numerous officers within the "Preventive Security" structure, as well as personnel in the militia-controlled Security and Intelligence services. Furthermore, sources indicate that intense security surveillance has been imposed on security supervisors, with several placed under effective house arrest.

According to the disclosures, Abu Fatima acts as the executive arm for Ali Hussein al-Houthi in neutralizing internal rivals within the security establishment. This operation is framed as a strategic effort to consolidate control over critical security decision-making centers and sideline competing leadership factions.

These developments unfold against a backdrop of intensifying fractures and acute disagreements among the militia's top echelon. The friction stems from the expanding influence of Ali Hussein al-Houthi and his direct encroachment upon the duties and prerogatives of established military and security commanders, which has exacerbated tension and division throughout the group's subordinate agencies.

The arrests and subsequent security restrictions underscore a rapidly escalating struggle for dominance within the Houthi leadership, signaling potential for further instability and fragmentation within the organization's command structure moving forward.

Photographs and videos circulating on social media depict women and children gathered near a charitable kitchen in Ibb. Local residents confirm that aid is often limited to small portions or bags of bread and rice, insufficient to meet the needs of families who have lost their primary sources of income.

These distressing scenes emerge while the payment of salaries to hundreds of thousands of public sector employees in Houthi-controlled areas remains halted, a situation persisting since late 2016 after the internationally recognized government relocated the Central Bank headquarters to Aden.

Since the salary suspension, civil servants and activists accuse the militia of diverting public revenues—including taxes, customs duties, and state enterprise income—to finance its military efforts, sectarian activities, and administrative networks, rather than settling outstanding payrolls.

Reports from the United Nations Panel of Experts on Yemen indicate systematic diversion of public revenues and the imposition of additional levies under various pretexts, such as Zakat and "voluntary" contributions, all while essential services deteriorate and poverty expands.

According to the United Nations, approximately 19.5 million people across Yemen require humanitarian aid and protection. Furthermore, the latest analysis from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification system shows that over 17 to 18 million Yemenis face acute levels of food insecurity, with millions more teetering on the brink of famine without urgent assistance.

In December, local residents in the de facto capital, Sana'a, reported the emergence of a phenomenon where vendors circulated through neighborhoods using loudspeakers to buy "dry bread" or residue flour from homes. Economists suggest this trend reflects an unprecedented erosion of purchasing power, forcing some families to rehydrate dried bread with water simply to secure a subsistence meal.

Experts link the expansion of hunger to the collapse of the local currency, soaring food prices, and the decline in humanitarian funding over the past two years. They emphasize that the absence of fundamental solutions to the salary crisis and persistent restrictions on economic activity in Houthi-held territories have increased the population's reliance on charitable initiatives, particularly during religious seasons.

While the Yemeni government and Houthi militias trade accusations regarding responsibility for the economic crisis, millions of civilians in the north remain trapped between lost income and dwindling international aid, amidst UN warnings that the current trajectory could push more families into famine within what remains one of the world's most severe humanitarian emergencies.

The operation was reportedly carried out by security and intelligence elements affiliated with the Houthi militia. Brigadier General Al-Balili is identified as the former Director of Transport at the Yemeni Economic Corporation.

Eyewitness accounts indicated that the abduction involved a significant security deployment. The operation utilized five armored vehicles, seven security trucks, and four buses transporting female elements from the Zaynabiyat battalions.

Houthi operatives reportedly surrounded and forcibly entered Al-Balili’s home, located behind Al-Mawaddah Hospital on Al-Mahrooqat Street, before forcibly moving him to an undisclosed location.

Navigational sources informed the Khabar news agency that the Houthi group denied entry to Yemeni Airways flight number IYE529 after it reached Yemeni airspace, forcing an immediate diversion.

The aircraft was compelled to alter its course due to the sudden prohibition and refusal to grant landing clearance, resulting in the plane circling overhead amid widespread discontent among the passengers aboard.

This incident is notable as Mokha International Airport had witnessed its inaugural flight earlier that same morning, with an aircraft departing for Jeddah. However, the return journey was explicitly barred from landing by the Houthi authorities based in Sana'a.

Sources familiar with the matter reported that the armed personnel subsequently removed the looted materials from the premises and transferred them to an undisclosed location that evening. This incident is described as part of a pattern of organized raids and confiscations targeting the offices of several UN organizations operating in Sana'a and other areas under Houthi control.

These actions coincide with a period of apparent disruption within the Iran-backed militia, following decisions by several UN bodies in recent months to gradually withdraw or reduce their operations in Houthi-controlled territories. These retractions stem from what the organizations describe as arbitrary measures against their staff, imposition of restrictions, and interference with program implementation mechanisms, which have reportedly skewed humanitarian operations, according to field sources. The organizations involved have maintained silence regarding further specifics.

The raid on the UNDP office occurred just one day after the World Food Programme (WFP) notified its staff in Sana'a and other militia-controlled areas of its decision to completely halt all operations there, effective March 31, 2026. This cessation of operations includes the termination of contracts for approximately 360 Yemeni employees.

Previous reports from UN sources indicated that the Houthi militia has abducted dozens of staff members working for various UN agencies and organizations in recent periods. A source within the WFP confirmed that the militia continues to detain approximately 38 local staff members affiliated with the program for several months. United Nations data suggests that the total number of detained personnel across various agencies stands at around 73, prompting repeated demands for their immediate and unconditional release.

Local sources identified the deceased student as Mohammed Adel Abdo Humaid Al-Shabati, the son of the director of Abdullah bin Masoud School in the Jabal Bahri – Al-Ashbout sub-district. He reportedly succumbed to a gunshot wound inflicted by a weapon belonging to one of his peers during what was described as the "final display" of the course conducted within the school premises.

The sources further clarified that the incident transpired amid the execution of a mobilization program recently mandated by the group. Days prior, the militia had circulated directives to secondary schools and public and private universities across Ibb Governorate, compelling student participation in the so-called "Al-Aqsa Flood Courses – Phase Two," which incorporate military-style training and activities.

This tragic event is part of a pattern of previous occurrences reported in areas under Houthi control, where several students have perished in similar accidents during the execution of military-themed training within schools in past years. This pattern continues to fuel mounting concerns regarding the militarization of the educational process and the direct exposure of students to grave risks within the school environment.

The sources indicated that Al-Masoudi was among dozens of citizens abducted by the militia from the Hanakat Al Masoud area in the Al Qurayshiyah district of Al Bayda governorate. This abduction occurred during extensive security campaigns recently conducted across the region.

According to reports, the deceased endured harsh detention conditions and mistreatment while incarcerated, which severely impacted his psychological and physical health. This situation persisted due to the complete absence of necessary medical care, ultimately leading to his death within the facility.

Last week, the Monitoring Center for Rights and Development had reported that the young man, Issa Mohammed Ali Kaila Al-Masoudi (19 years old), one of the detainees from Hanakat Al Masoud village in Al Bayda, was transferred to intensive care days prior due to a critical decline in his health within the prison, emphasizing that his condition remained precarious.

This incident aligns with a growing pattern documented in human rights reports detailing severe abuses within Houthi militia prisons, specifically citing medical neglect and mistreatment. These events renew persistent demands for independent investigations and accountability for officials responsible for such violations.

Major General Turki Al-Maliki, the official spokesman for the Coalition forces, stated in a press release issued by the media center of the Joint Forces Command that this cowardly criminal act violates all humanitarian and ethical values. He confirmed that the attack resulted in the martyrdom of several personnel and injuries among Brigadier General Shukri's escorts.

Major General Al-Maliki conveyed the condolences and sympathy of the Coalition leadership to the families of the martyrs and wished a speedy recovery for the injured.

Al-Maliki emphasized that the Coalition will strike with an "iron fist" anyone attempting to compromise the security and stability of the capital, Aden, and the liberated governorates, or those seeking to undermine unity. He also urged the Yemeni government and military and security agencies to demonstrate solidarity and set aside differences to thwart subversive schemes targeting Yemeni society.

The spokesman concluded by affirming the Coalition's continued provision of steadfast support to the Yemeni security and military forces in combating terrorism, draining its intellectual and financial sources, and pursuing all those involved in this criminal act until they are brought to justice.

Sources indicated that the blast caused partial damage to several vehicles in the vicinity of the site; however, confirmed reports regarding human casualties remain unconfirmed at this time.

Following the incident, security apparatuses immediately cordoned off the explosion site and commenced investigative procedures to ascertain the circumstances of the attack and identify the responsible party, amidst heightened security alerts across the area.

This targeted attack occurs amid escalating security concerns within Aden and a recurrence of bombing and targeting incidents directed at military and security leaders, which continues to fuel public apprehension regarding the overall security situation in the city.

The sources informed the "Khobar" agency that the Houthi militia bears full legal and moral responsibility for the safety of detainees held in its facilities, highlighting what they described as an escalation of violations against abductees in recent periods.

According to the sources, the engineer, identified as Al-Qabati, was subjected to excessive psychological and physical torture during interrogation sessions, isolation in solitary confinement, and was repeatedly denied visitation rights, which severely deteriorated his physical and mental health.

It was further noted that the Iran-backed militia has recently intensified restrictions on detainees, including issuing execution orders through the specialized criminal court under its control. These actions are interpreted as a deliberate attempt to undermine the prisoner exchange agreement brokered in mid-December with the internationally recognized Yemeni government in Muscat, Oman.

Human rights organizations have called upon the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, Hans Grundberg, and international and humanitarian bodies to pressure the Houthi militia to cease the alleged abuses against detainees and secure their unconditional release. They asserted that utilizing humanitarian files for leverage constitutes a "grave violation of international humanitarian law."

This incident follows the announcement in mid-December by the delegation of the internationally recognized Yemeni government that an agreement had been reached with the Houthi militia to release approximately 2,900 detainees from both sides, concluding a round of humanitarian consultations hosted in Muscat under the auspices of the UN Envoy.

Local sources confirmed that Sheikh Murshid Yahya Hammoud Tale' reportedly succumbed to gunfire in the village of Al-Hira, in the Harf Sufyan district. The assailants are believed to belong to the Dhu Shali tribe.

The incident is strongly suspected to stem from long-standing tribal disputes between the Dhu Shali and Al Tale families. These conflicts frequently revolve around contested tribal boundaries, land ownership, grazing rights, or unresolved blood feuds that resurface following any new confrontation between the involved parties.

The deceased individual has been identified as the brother of Adnan Yahya Tale, who serves as the social supervisor for the Houthi militia apparatus in the Al-Dhale governorate, according to the reporting sources.

The Harf Sufyan district in Amran has experienced a significant escalation in murders and general security breaches since the Houthi militia assumed control. The security apparatus affiliated with the group has proven incapable of containing these tribal conflicts or effectively imposing order, thereby exacerbating the state of chaos and threatening communal stability in the region.

Academic sources reported that the militia carried out, on Sunday, a live combat drill and a forced march involving a number of academics and administrative staff at Ibb University, who had previously undergone ideological and military training courses over recent months.

The sources added that participants were compelled to carry out a foot march before being taken back to a militia-run training ground, where they were forced to conduct practical exercises on the use of weapons, in addition to simulating military confrontations involving light and medium weapons.

The sources noted that these courses are an extension of earlier theoretical and practical indoctrination programs imposed on academics and administrative staff, as part of a systematic plan aimed at turning educational institutions into tools serving the militia’s military and sectarian agenda.

According to informed sources, participants in these courses receive intensive training in the use of light and medium weapons, including Kalashnikov rifles, RPG launchers, and 12.7 mm machine guns, as well as training in sniping, storming positions, crossing checkpoints, and ground crawling.

Over the past two years, the Houthi militia has increasingly transformed public and private universities in areas under its control into platforms for spreading its sectarian ideology, while forcing academics, employees, and students to undergo ideological and combat training—constituting a flagrant violation of the sanctity of educational institutions and their academic mission.

Political sources reported that armed groups stormed the area surrounding Abu Ras’s residence and enforced a blockade preventing entry and exit, without providing any justification.

GPC leaders, speaking to Khabar Agency, described the Houthi behavior as “a blatant violation of all red lines and a direct assault on political activity and the sanctity of homes.”

They stressed that this move reveals the widening crackdown carried out by the Iran-backed Houthi militia against leaders and members of the General People’s Congress, as well as its systematic targeting of various political parties amid escalating abuses against its opponents and those who reject its repressive policies.

Political sources added that the siege on Abu Ras’s home is part of the militia’s broader approach of crushing any space for independent political activity within its areas of control, sending intimidating messages to party leaders and reflecting the nature of the security regime it is attempting to impose by force.

This escalation comes as the Houthi militia continues to detain Sheikh Ghazi Ahmed Al-Ahwal, the GPC Secretary-General, who was abducted on August 20, 2025, from central Sana’a. The group refuses to disclose his fate to this day, despite local and international calls demanding his release or allowing his family to know his legal and health status.

Al-Ahwal’s abduction took place one day after the GPC announced the cancellation of its celebrations marking the 43rd anniversary of its founding, scheduled for the same month.

According to a local source, the group heavily stationed its forces in the Hadda and Al-Jiraf neighborhoods and around the Presidential Palace, setting up additional checkpoints and conducting thorough inspections of vehicles and pedestrians as part of efforts to tighten its security grip over the capital.

The source added that the unexpected deployment caused noticeable congestion and confusion in the streets, fueling residents’ fears of possible manhunts or arbitrary abductions.

The source told Khabar Agency that the militia began, weeks ago, transporting large quantities of weapons to Al-Sabra Mountain, which overlooks the city of Taiz, after previously digging tunnels in the mountains of Al-Hazm, Dhi Al-Sharq, and Al-Humayra.

He noted that Al-Sabra Mountain now hosts a Katyusha launch platform and depots for heavy arms, under strict security measures that even prevent shepherds from approaching the area. He confirmed that what is known as the Al-Hamra region has effectively been turned into a closed military zone.

The source warned that indicators on the ground point to an imminent explosion of the situation, stressing the urgent need for media and human-rights attention to these developments, which threaten civilians’ lives and risk turning peaceful villages into potential frontlines.

He called on all media outlets and both local and international organizations to act immediately to halt these violations and the military escalation in densely populated areas, holding the militia fully responsible for any upcoming escalation.

According to a senior security source involved in the operation, the seizure followed precise surveillance and tracking of the suspicious vessel as it tried to infiltrate Yemeni territorial waters. Eight individuals on board were detained, and the vessel along with its cargo was impounded for further legal procedures.

Initial investigations indicated that the ship had departed from Iran’s Bandar Abbas port and was linked to a senior Houthi commander, underscoring Tehran’s continued support for the group through specialized maritime smuggling networks.

A thorough inspection revealed an empty concealed storage area believed to have previously contained a weapons shipment offloaded at sea and transferred to smaller Houthi-operated boats.

Among the seized materials were a Kornet anti-tank missile, drone components including operational units, military-grade engines, and precision control cables.

The vessel also carried eight boxes of Iranian-manufactured medicine produced by CinnaGen, including Pectuna® Pertuzumab 420 mg / 14 mL—a cancer treatment drug—along with food and consumer goods from the Iranian brand Kahnoosh.

The source described the operation as a major blow to Iranian smuggling networks supplying the Houthis with weapons and equipment via sea routes, affirming that the joint security forces in Al-Sabihah will continue their mission to safeguard the coast, combat smuggling, and strengthen security and stability in the region.

According to the Houthi-run Saba news agency, al-Ghamari was killed along with his son Hussein and several bodyguards in what the group described as “American-Zionist aggression,” without specifying the exact location or timing of the strike.

The announcement comes days after Israeli media reports suggested an assassination attempt targeted al-Ghamari during a secret meeting in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. Israel’s public broadcaster said he had been critically wounded in that operation.

Al-Ghamari, believed to be around 50 years old, was regarded as one of the Houthis’ top military strategists and the de facto commander of the group’s forces overseeing combat operations across multiple fronts.

He was appointed Chief of Staff in 2016 and was subsequently promoted to the rank of Major General by the group.

His reported death raises fresh questions about the fate of the Houthis’ senior leadership amid an escalation in strikes that have recently targeted the group’s top commanders.

         The Iranian-backed militia has escalated its campaign of persecution and abductions targeting activists, UN workers, and civilians, sparking widespread outrage on social media and demands for information about the fate of those abducted.Human rights organizations condemned the ongoing abductions carried out by the militia against civilians, stressing that targeting social figures and relatives of national symbols constitutes a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law.These organizations called on the UN envoy to Yemen and international bodies to take responsibility and pressure the Houthis to halt these repeated violations and ensure the immediate release of all abductees.

He branded the Houthis as heirs of the “backward clerical rule” and vowed their defeat, saying Yemenis who overthrew the imamate could do so again to “regain freedom and dignity.”

His fiery remarks, broadcast by his Yemen Today TV channel, came weeks after a Houthi court sentenced him to death, confiscated his assets and forced the group’s loyalists inside the General People’s Congress party (GPC) in Sanaa to strip him of his post as deputy party leader.

Analysts said the moves underscored the Houthis’ unease over his symbolic weight inside the party his father founded, and may have prompted his public challenge.

In his speech, Saleh evoked both the Sept. 26 revolution and the December 2017 uprising led by his late father against the Houthis, portraying them as one continuous struggle. He called for a “national rescue project” to unite anti-Houthi forces.

The address also carried regional messages. Saleh thanked Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Oman for supporting Yemen in its “darkest times,” stressing that the country could not rise in isolation from its Arab neighbors and allies.

Local and human rights sources told "Khabar" Agency that the militia abducted journalist Auras Al-Iryani in the captive capital, Sana'a, after he publicly criticized the anniversary of the Houthi coup, as part of a series of persecutions targeting opposing voices. The sources indicated that the fate of the abductees remains unknown amid a deliberate media blackout by the Houthi authorities.

The sources confirmed that the abductions were particularly concentrated in Sana'a and Ibb, coinciding with a heavy deployment of armed militants in the streets and raid campaigns on the homes of activists and citizens who participated in popular calls to celebrate the September Revolution. These steps represent an attempt to quell any popular mass movement opposing the group's sectarian project.

Activists believe the Houthi escalation reflects a state of terror over the expanding scope of public anger, as the September 26 Revolution is seen as the founding revolution that overthrew the Imamate rule, while the group today seeks to reproduce it by imposing a hereditary authority through the force of arms.

In the same context, human rights organizations have warned against the continuation of the Houthi repression campaign targeting freedom of the press and expression, pointing out that targeting journalists is evidence of the group's rejection of any independent voice. They demanded the immediate release of all abductees and an end to the policy of muzzling voices practiced against Yemenis.

Observers believe that the Yemeni people's insistence on commemorating the anniversary of the September 26 Revolution represents an explicit challenge to the Houthi project and a clear message that the people adhere to their republic and the values of freedom, and will not accept the return of Imamate rule in any form or under any new name.

Security forces said they are continuing raids on homes where additional suspects are believed to be hiding and vowed to keep the operation underway "until all perpetrators are brought to justice, without exception."

Al-Mashahri's killing on Thursday drew widespread condemnation and was described by critics as a "field execution," particularly amid reports she had received direct threats from the assailant.

According to the Health Ministry, 77 people were killed in the northern Gaza Strip, the area hardest hit by the bombardment and the most densely packed with displaced families.

Witnesses described “unbearable scenes” as Israeli airstrikes struck tents sheltering displaced people, residential buildings and towers, and crowds of civilians waiting for aid. Inside hospitals, the scenes were even more harrowing: families searching through rows of bodies for loved ones, while doctors and paramedics struggled with scarce supplies to treat the wounded.

Since October 7, 2023, the total death toll has reached 65,062, most of them women and children, while injuries have climbed to 165,697, according to medical sources. Thousands are still believed to be trapped under the rubble.

Since Israel broke the ceasefire on March 18, at least 12,511 Palestinians have been killed and more than 53,000 wounded.

The Health Ministry also said strikes on crowds gathered for aid distribution have killed 2,500 people and injured more than 18,000. Hospitals reported four more deaths in the past 24 hours due to hunger and malnutrition, bringing the total to 432, including 146 children.

The United Nations said the latest attacks forced more than 40,000 people to flee in just two days. UN Secretary-General spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric warned the situation in Gaza was “deteriorating by the hour,” adding: “The roads are filled with displaced people, hunger is spreading, and children are suffering deep psychological trauma.”

He said nearly 200,000 people have been displaced since mid-August, most of them women, children and the elderly, walking for hours in search of safety. The UN Population Fund warned that thousands of women are giving birth in the streets without medical care or clean water, with an estimated 23,000 women lacking essential healthcare and around 15 babies being born every week without medical assistance.

The source told Khabar Agency that intelligence operatives confiscated all phones, laptop computers, and other electronic devices from the ministers' homes, including those belonging to women and children. This was done under the pretext of investigating the presence of "intelligence elements" within the families of government leaders working for Israel.

Al-Rahwi and nine other ministers, in addition to the Director of the Presidency Office and the Secretary of the Council, were killed on August 28 last month in an Israeli airstrike that targeted the government meeting headquarters in Sana'a.

The source indicated that these developments occur within the context of an escalating power struggle among first-tier factions within the Iran-backed militia. Each faction is exchanging accusations of treason and espionage, amid growing rejection by some leaders of assigning ministerial portfolios to figures not belonging to the Houthi lineage or from outside provinces controlled by the group.

The source affirmed that this campaign reveals the depth of the trust crisis within the militia's structure and its transformation into an arena for internal conflict, where major incidents are exploited to settle scores and entrench racism.

A security source confirmed to Khabar Agency that an armed force belonging to the Houthi Security and Intelligence Apparatus stormed the UNICEF office in Sana'a, assaulted its staff, and then kidnapped the Deputy Director of the organization, Luna Shukri (Jordanian nationality), transporting her to the Apparatus' headquarters amid a continued severe siege on the building .

According to sources, UNICEF security officer Othman Al-Jalal was beaten by militia elements for refusing to allow them entry, while other employees were interrogated under coercion .

Simultaneously, the militia launched a campaign targeting other UN organization compounds, including the World Food Programme (WFP), where they arrested a number of its employees, including Ghanem Al-Asri and Ammar Nasser Al-Nakhai, further intensifying international community fears regarding escalating violations against humanitarian workers .

Human rights sources mentioned that these developments occurred amidst a series of repeated violations against international organizations by the Houthi militia, which included raiding headquarters and kidnapping local and foreign staff. This threatens to obstruct humanitarian relief activities in Yemen and exposes workers' lives to serious dangers .

A local source told Khabar Agency that this crime was committed by elements of a Houthi security checkpoint located at the entrance of the Thuluth Market in the Lower Wesab District.

The source stated that this checkpoint practices "thuggery and oppression" against travelers and citizens, where they tortured Al-Azraq to death and dumped his body before the perpetrators fled.

According to eyewitnesses, the body of the citizen, identified as Abdulmalek Al-Azraq, was found dumped near Al-Quds Medical Hospital after he had passed away.

The source noted that residents of the area fear filing any complaints, and that this checkpoint remains operational despite the removal of most other security checkpoints in the region.

Israeli media outlets, citing a military source, reported that the strikes focused on a military complex near the presidential palace, a fuel storage site, and government energy facilities controlled by the militia. They noted that the attack occurred less than an hour after the Israeli army announced the interception of a missile launched by the Houthis toward Israel, carrying a cluster warhead—a first of its kind .

According to local sources, the airstrikes targeted over 15 scattered locations within Sanaa, causing panic among residents and damaging infrastructure and populated areas . Reuters, citing eyewitnesses, reported hearing successive explosions near the presidential complex and sites believed to be missile bases, amid heightened security and military alertness in the city .

Conversely, military sources indicated that the Houthi militia, under the direct supervision of Iranian experts, continues to launch missiles toward Israeli targets intermittently without causing direct casualties. In response, Tel Aviv carries out large-scale airstrikes that often target vital Yemeni facilities and infrastructure .

The sources confirmed that the Israeli strikes have not yet targeted prominent leaders of the group but have caused significant losses to critical installations, including ports, airports, power stations, and cement factories. This has led to mutual accusations of pursuing a scorched-earth policy at the expense of civilians .

Informed sources told "Khabar" agency that the recruits, who had previously joined its ranks in Saada province, collectively left their military positions in protest of deliberate neglect and poor treatment, in addition to not receiving their financial entitlements for many months.

The sources confirmed that the protesters raised slogans demanding improved conditions inside the camps and the payment of their overdue salaries, considering that the continued ignorance of their demands by the militia's leadership doubles the suffering of them and their families.

The vigil did not last long, as military and intelligence forces affiliated with the Houthi militia hurried to Sabeen Square, surrounded the protesters, and arrested them by force, before transporting them to a security prison in the Hadda area, south of Sana'a.

The sources explained that the operation was carried out under the direct supervision of Houthi security leaders in the security and intelligence apparatus, in an attempt to prevent any similar movements within their ranks.

**A Systematic Policy of Suppression**

Human rights reports indicate that what happened in Sana'a is not an exceptional case, but rather part of a series of repressive measures pursued by the Houthi militia against its elements, especially those demanding financial rights or objecting to their conditions inside the camps.

Previous reports spoke of arrest campaigns carried out by the militia in other provinces, which included recruits who refused to participate in combat fronts or complained of neglect.

Security sources mentioned that the increase in these movements reflects a growing state of dissatisfaction among Houthi fighters, whom the militia lured with false promises of salaries and care, only to find themselves in harsh humanitarian conditions.

The sources confirm that the continuation of these conditions may lead to more splits and silent rebellions, which places the militia before unprecedented internal challenges.

In the meantime Israeli media reported that Hizyaz power station had been hit the Israeli navy.

At least two explosions were heard earlier in Sanaa, residents said while Houthi-run Al Masirah TV said that the power station was hit by an “aggression,” knocking some of its generators out of service.

Teams were able to contain a resulting fire, Al Masirah reported,

The United States and the UK have also previously launched attacks against the Houthis in Yemen.

Media reports from May 6 and a post on the Israel Defense Forces' official X account say Yemen's capital Sanaa was hit by a series of airstrikes that targeted infrastructure including power stations. Among the sites struck was Hizyaz power plant.

In May also , the US announced a surprise deal with the Houthis where it agreed to stop a bombing campaign against them in return for an end to the group’s attacks on shipping in the Red Sea, though the Houthis said the deal did not include sparing Israel.

#### **Key Incidents Exposing Systematic Abductions**

1. **Twin Sisters Abducted and Imprisoned in Underground Pit**

- A woman and her daughter recently lured two sisters into their home, restrained them, and hid them in a concealed pit. Relatives tracked the girls and rescued them under **shocking conditions**. Photos of the victims beside the pit circulated widely on social media, sparking public outrage and exposing what locals call a "**well-organized gang**" .

2. **New Disappearances Amid Security Inaction**

- **Tariq Bander Ali Ahmed Obaid** (aged 12) vanished on August 9, 2025, after leaving his home in Qahar Alley. His family reported the case to Houthi-controlled police, but no investigation followed.

- **Layla Salah Mohammed Saleh Al-Askari** (aged 13) disappeared from Al-Askari village nearly two weeks ago, last seen wearing a black abaya and red shirt. Her fate remains unknown .

3. **Foiled Abduction Attempts**

- On August 9, 2025, a woman and accomplices attempted to abduct a young girl. Her brother intervened and saved her. Security forces ignored the incident despite CCTV evidence .

#### **Houthi-Linked Abductions: Broader Patterns**

- **Targeting Families for Political Coercion**:

Houthi militias abducted **Sayed (16) and Ali (15)**, sons of detained teacher **Mohammed Hussein Ali Naji**, to pressure him into recording false "confessions" denying Houthi abuses. The boys were jailed alongside their father in Jahran Security Prison .

- **Nationwide Campaigns Against Dissent**:

Arbitrary arrests have escalated in Houthi-held areas like **Taiz** and **Ibb**, targeting educators, activists, and families. Teachers resisting Houthi-imposed curricula face kidnappings, home sieges, and threats .

- **Security Apparatus Complicity**:

Rights groups document collusion between Houthi officials and trafficking rings. Families reporting disappearances face extortion (e.g., demands for 700 Saudi Riyals) and deliberate police stalling. One father described a staged "recovery" of his child as unconvincing, suggesting official involvement .

#### **Houthi Responses: Silencing Victims and Stifling Justice**

- **Threats and Censorship**:

Families of detainees are forced into silence, threatened with withheld releases if they speak to media or share information online .

- **Systematic Cover-Ups**:

Rights defender **Moeen Al-Sayyadi** condemns Houthi authorities for "**obscuring cases**" and blocking court referrals to protect complicit security supervisors .

#### **Appeals for International Action**

- Local NGOs like **Masawa for Rights and Freedoms** demand unconditional release of abducted children and prosecution of perpetrators .

- Al-Sayyadi urges global bodies to intervene: "**Houthi complicity enables traffickers** targeting children and girls. Without pressure, networks will expand" .

 **The Smuggling Network**

According to **video and audio-recorded confessions**, the network consists of **seven operatives**, four of whom received **direct training and supervision in Iran**:

1. **Amer Ahmed Yahya Masawi**

2. **Ali Ahmed Abdo Qusayr**

3. **Issa Ahmed Abdo Qusayr**

4. **Abdullah Mohammed Maqbool Afifi**

They participated in smuggling multiple shipments from **Bandar Abbas Port (Iran)** to **Al-Salif Port (Hodeidah, Yemen)**, including **high-risk chemical materials**, as well as operations involving an **Iranian "boat"** off the **Somali coast**.

The other three operatives—**Mohammed Abdo Talhi, Mohammed Suleiman Mazjaji, and Ashraf Bakri Ahmed Zain Abdullah**—were active in a **separate smuggling route via Djibouti**.

 **Recruitment and Training**

The accused disclosed that the **Houthi militia recruited them**, exploiting their financial hardships. They were transported via **flights from Sana’a Airport to Jordan**, then to **Lebanon**, where **Hezbollah** facilitated their transfer to **Syria** and onward to **Tehran**. An **alternative route** passed through **Oman**.

In Iran, they underwent **training camps** supervised by IRGC commander **"Mohammed Jafar Al-Talabi"**, followed by deployment to smaller camps in **Bandar Abbas**.

 **Three Smuggling Routes**

1. **Direct Route**: Bandar Abbas → Al-Salif Port (Yemen).

2. **Somali Route**: Using IRGC-operated boats near Somali waters.

3. **Commercial Cover Route**: Via Djibouti under the guise of trade.

 **High-Tech Smuggling Tactics**

The crew admitted to smuggling **temperature-controlled refrigeration containers** carrying sensitive chemicals like **hydrazine and liquid nitrogen**. The **latest seized shipment** (their **12th operation**) was disguised as **industrial equipment** (generators, transformers, air pumps) but contained:

- **Dismantled missiles**

- **Drones**

- **Air defense systems**

- **Radars**

- **Strategic weapons falsely claimed by the Houthis as "locally produced"**

 **Evading International Patrols**

The smugglers revealed that their ships **faced no interception by international naval patrols**, avoiding surveillance in the **Bab el-Mandeb Strait** by navigating **night routes west of the international corridor near Eritrean waters**.

 **Houthi Commanders Named**

The confessions identified key Houthi leaders managing smuggling operations in Hodeidah:

- **Hussein Hamed Hamza Mohsen Al-Attas**

- **Mohammed Darham Qassim Al-Moayad** (aka "Ibrahim Al-Moayad")

- **Yahya Mohammed Hassan Qassim Al-Iraqi** (aka "Yahya Jinnah")

- **Faisal Ahmed Ghalib Al-Hamzi**

- Accomplices: **Iyad Mohammed Omar Maqbool Atini, Wael Mohammed Saeed Abdulwadoud, Omar Ahmed Omar Hajj**

 **Mocking Houthi Claims**

In their final statements, the crew **mocked the Houthis’ claims of "domestic military manufacturing"**, confirming that **all smuggled weapons originated directly from Iran or its proxies in Somalia and Djibouti**.

The memo, dated August 6, 2025, and addressed to the Executive Unit for Displaced Persons Camp Management, stated that the program had distributed large quantities of spoiled flour exceeding 1,000 bags before inspection teams intervened and seized the remaining shipment.

The document confirmed that this incident was not the first of its kind, warning against the continued distribution of supplies without ensuring their fitness for human consumption.

The memo emphasized the need to adhere to approved protocols, which stipulate that no food items should be distributed before verifying their safety, while also demanding compensation for affected individuals.

Additionally, the attached inspection reports revealed irregularities in the suitability of warehouses designated for storing relief supplies, raising concerns about the quality of future shipments.

Activist Abdulqader Al-Kharraz, who published the document on his Facebook page, questioned the measures the Executive Unit would take regarding this scandal. He also inquired about the authorities’ readiness to hold the UN program and those responsible accountable—whether through legal action or merely replacing the damaged supplies—and the role of the Etlaf Al-Khair Foundation, WFP’s local partner, in storage and distribution operations.

Meanwhile, activists on social media circulated videos documenting the damaged condition of the distributed supplies, further intensifying criticism of the UN program.

For their part, human rights advocates and observers argued that failing to hold those involved accountable for distributing spoiled food equates to complicity in what they described as "ongoing humanitarian crimes" against displaced persons. They called for a transparent investigation and guarantees that such violations—which threaten the health and lives of citizens—would not be repeated.

Sources told *Khabar Agency* that Houthi militants abducted Sultan Al-Amdah, nicknamed "Al-Zubaidi," an Islamic education teacher.

According to the sources, the Houthi militia has been conducting this kidnapping campaign in the governorate since late last month, amid the absence of any intervention by human rights or international organizations to curb these violations.

In recent hours, the Houthis kidnapped three teachers, including a school principal, across the Habeesh, Al-Qafr, and As-Sayani districts of Ibb.

The sources confirmed that the militia abducted Mohammed Othman Majli, the principal of a school in As-Sayani District, and took him to an undisclosed location. They also reported the kidnapping of educator Hamoud Ahmed Ghalab from Al-Qafr District, who was transferred to the Political Security Prison in Ibb city, the governorate’s capital.

Over the past week, the Houthis have kidnapped more than 10 teachers from various districts of Ibb as part of their latest campaign, which primarily targets educators, doctors, and lawyers.

Since late May, the Houthi militia has launched a large-scale kidnapping operation across most of Ibb’s districts, detaining dozens of civilians, including doctors, lawyers, educators, and community leaders.

### **"Training Courses" as a Cover**

Educational sources informed *Khabar Agency* that dozens of teachers and prominent youth from As-Suddah and An-Nadirah districts, among others, have been abducted by the Houthis. However, the militia claims to families that the detainees are attending "sectarian training courses."

Educators condemned the Houthi militia’s campaign, emphasizing that it compounds years of unpaid salaries and suffering. They stressed that the victims have no political or ideological involvement, yet the Houthis forcibly impose sectarian indoctrination on them.

### **List of Prominent Detainees**

Sources named key detainees from As-Suddah and An-Nadirah districts as of late last month:

- Mr. Mohammed Razzaq Al-Khubari

- Mr. Najeeb Hizam Al-Hanshali

- Mr. Nu’man Mohammed Musleh Al-Amari

- Mr. Razzaq Al-Lahbi

- Mr. Yahya Saleh Naji Al-Dajnah

- Mr. Sinan Abdu Mansur Al-Gharasi

Approximately 40 abductees from the two districts remain in Houthi prisons as of last month. While some names have been circulated, families of others refrain from disclosure due to fear and intimidation by the militia.

a Yemeni source opposed to the Iran-backed Houthi movement told AP, “While Gaza has two million people, the Houthis impose a siege on 20 million in Yemen. This hunger is not collateral damage — it’s a deliberate tool for control and extortion.”

since the Houthis seized large swaths of territory from Yemen’s internationally recognized government in 2014, the country has been devastated by conflict involving a Saudi-led coalition. Although a ceasefire was brokered in April 2022, fighting resumed late last year after the Houthis joined hostilities against Israel, further worsening the humanitarian disaster.

between 2014 and 2018, aid group Save the Children estimated that roughly 85,000 children died from severe malnutrition without treatment. “Since then, reliable data is scarce because the Houthis restrict aid operations,” the source said.

uNICEF’s August 2024 report warned of a “critical” rise in malnutrition in government-held areas, particularly along the western coast near Houthi-controlled zones. According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), cases of severe malnutrition among children under five in these areas increased by 34% from 2023. Over 600,000 children are affected, including 120,000 with acute malnutrition. Some 223,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women were also severely malnourished last year.

despite the widespread suffering in their territories, Houthi leaders rarely acknowledge the crisis. In recent speeches, Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi condemned the international community’s response to hunger in Gaza but has remained silent on Yemen’s internal famine.

Aid groups accuse the Houthis of deliberately blocking humanitarian aid and diverting supplies for their own use. “The Houthis turn international aid into a source of funding for their war effort by stealing supplies and imposing taxes on imports,” the Yemeni source said. “This has left millions vulnerable to starvation and disease.”

the Houthis also use hunger as punishment against tribes that resist their authority and forcibly recruit fighters, including children, exploiting Yemen’s ongoing conflicts and the war in Gaza. “This is the greatest humanitarian tragedy of our time, fueled by a political decision to destabilize Yemen and make it an Iranian proxy,” the source said. “The international community must act now to prevent food from becoming a weapon of war.”

Humanitarian organizations warn that funding for Yemen’s relief efforts is critically low. A coalition of 116 aid groups recently reported that Yemen’s 2025 humanitarian program is funded at less than 10%, severely limiting aid delivery. The situation is compounded by the detention of UN and aid workers by the Houthis, with some dying in custody.

doctors and hospital staff report that infighting and corruption within Houthi-controlled institutions are crippling healthcare amid disease outbreaks. “We are losing staff to arbitrary dismissals, and pro-Houthi cronies replace trained professionals,” said a Yemeni medical worker speaking on condition of anonymity. “This will worsen an already catastrophic health situation.”

the Norwegian Refugee Council estimates 15 million Yemenis lack sufficient access to clean water, deepening the crisis.

Meanwhile, Houthi officials have threatened to escalate naval attacks on ships linked to Israeli ports. “We warn all companies cooperating with Israeli ports to stop, or their vessels will be attacked wherever we can reach,” said Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree.

As Yemen’s millions face starvation, disease, and displacement, this crisis remains largely ignored internationally, overshadowed by other global conflicts despite its catastrophic scale.

The sources told *Khabar* that tensions flared between Ali Hussein al-Houthi (nephew of the group’s leader), head of the "Community Police," and senior official Abdulhakim al-Khaywani, chief of the Security and Intelligence apparatus. The campaign reportedly targeted a faction within the security apparatus directly linked to al-Khaywani, in what appears to be an attempt to undermine his authority and fracture cohesion within the group’s security agencies.

The sources added that the arrests were conducted without prior coordination with the Security and Intelligence leadership, provoking al-Khaywani’s anger. He implicitly accused "Community Police" leaders of seeking to create divisions within security agencies and seize control of decision-making levers in Sana'a.

While the militia has not officially commented on the disputes, developments point to a growing power struggle among the group’s security factions, amid conflicting and escalating field operations in the capital.

Notably, the "Community Police," led by Ali Hussein al-Houthi, is one of the militia’s newly established arms in recent years. It carries out controversial monitoring tasks and field interventions, while al-Khaywani remains one of the most influential security figures within the group’s intelligence institutions.

Local sources told *Khabar Agency* that the Houthi militant carried out the crime after returning from a sectarian indoctrination course organized by the militia. These courses target new recruits, brainwashing them with extremist and sectarian ideologies—often inciting hostility even toward their own relatives and community members.

According to the sources, the assailant murdered his uncle inside his home, then attempted to leave the scene as if nothing had happened. When bystanders intervened to stop him, he opened fire, killing six of them one by one before fleeing to an unknown location.

Tribal sources speculate that the perpetrator may have sought protection from powerful figures within the militia, which routinely covers up such crimes. The Houthis often exploit perpetrators by sending them to frontlines as disposable combatants.

Tribal sources in multiple governorates confirmed that since their coup against the Yemeni state in September 2014, the Iran-backed Houthi militia has relied on brainwashing recruits through sectarian training before deploying them to battlefronts.

The militia also recruits ex-convicts and prisoners, especially those convicted of murder, subjecting them to sectarian indoctrination. Some are then smuggled out of prisons or released through tribal mediations that pressure victims’ families to "pardon" the killers in the name of "God’s will." For these prisoners, such deals are a welcome alternative to incarceration.